This ended legal recognition of all religious orders. Furthermore, the transition to the Latin alphabet in curtailed the influence of religious figures on the state, and especially on the education system. Naturally, this radical revolutionary secular movement generated a backlash. The religious groups were forced underground and adapted their strategies to a long-term struggle.
Especially in the eastern parts of the country, where government writ was weak, the Naqshbandi brotherhoods continued their activities surreptitiously. As religious education was outlawed, many students went abroad for religious education, primarily to Islamic centers in places such as Cairo, Baghdad, Damascus or Medina. A significant portion of these students reimported Salafi Islamist thinking and the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood upon their return to Turkey.
While not as strong as in the Arab world, hardcore conservative views soon developed in Turkey, and found expression in the political scene. With the advent of multi-party democracy, secularism surrendered its monopoly on power. The Turkish state rapidly adjusted to both the demands of society and those of international politics. Across society, voluntary secular associations were weak and Islamic groups constituted the leading organized political forces, rivaled only at times by leftist outfits and trade unions.
This trend was true before the military coup, but it was greatly enhanced during military rule in the early s, when Sunni Islam and Turkish nationalism fused together to form a new state ideology. The governing elites always intended to retain control over religion; gradually, however, they lost control to the religious brotherhoods and communities.
From the s onward, Islamic organizations re-emerged. To reduce the growing shortage of clergy, the state created faculties of theology and Islamic institutes. In parallel to these state-controlled organizations, the religious brotherhoods gradually started emerging from underground. Sufi orders are known for their esoteric nature, in contrast to orthodox Islam. This has often implied an emphasis on mysticism over literalism and strict interpretation of Sharia law. It would be a mistake, however, to view the Naqshbandi order through this lens. It stands out among Sufi orders for its compatibility with orthodox, official Islam.
By contrast, the Naqshbandi is the only order to trace its chain of transmission through the first Sunni Caliph, Abu Bakr. From the North Caucasus to Indonesia, this struck a powerful chord among Muslims subject to European colonization. Soon, the Khalidi order began to eclipse others in prominence in the Ottoman Empire. This opposition continued into the Republican era.
Initiated into the Khalidi order in , Kotku was given ijazah grant of authority to become a sheikh in and took up preaching in Istanbul.
In the three decades that followed, Kotku became the informal leader of Turkish political Islam, promoting the Khalidi doctrines in the new environment of multi-party democracy. He parted with his immediate predecessor, Abdulaziz Bekkine , who had prohibited the mixing of Islam and electoral politics. He encouraged a generation of pious Muslims to take positions in the state bureaucracy, and started the process of infiltration and takeover of state institutions that would help political Islam dominate Turkey. Be part of this enterprise and lead it. The Nurcu community views itself not as a religious order but as a school of exegesis.
It was founded in the early twentieth century by Said-i Nursi, a preacher born in the Kurdish-dominated areas of eastern Turkey. While Nursi would very much develop his own ideas, his early studies were influenced greatly by Naqshbandi-Khalidi sheikhs, in whose madrassahs he studied.
Nursi aimed to open a madrassahs in Van, in eastern Turkey, in which he would combine the teaching of religious subjects with mathematics and science. While Nursi was persecuted in the early days of the Republic and sent into exile, he redoubled his efforts in the s, during the reign of the Democrat Party. For a variety of reasons, further splits occurred. The Nurcu emerged as a civil society initiative, which was even illegal from until This legal mechanism had been used to block most religious activities in Turkey. These provided an ideal environment for informal religious education, and made the Nurcu perhaps the best-organized and most widespread religious movement.
With some exceptions, the Nurcus have tended to abstain from direct party politics; until the creation of the AKP , they supported secular center-right parties rather than the Islamists of Necmettin Erbakan. He began his activities in Izmir in the s; at the time, a religious vacuum obtained, owing to decades of state policy. A generally more permissive environment had crept into Turkey as well. This is where the Risale was taught in a programmatic and systematic manner.
The Naqshbandiyya: Orthodoxy and Activism in a Worldwide and millions of other books are available for Amazon Kindle. Itzchak Weismann is senior lecturer at the Department of Middle Eastern history, University of Haifa, Israel. His research interests focus on modern Islam. Editorial Reviews. Review. 'Weismann has made an admirable contribution to Sufi studies, The Naqshbandiyya: Orthodoxy and Activism in a Worldwide Sufi Tradition (Routledge Sufi Series Book 8) - Kindle edition by Itzchak Weismann. Download it once and read it on your Kindle device, PC, phones or tablets.
The number of schools grew rapidly over time, attracting particularly the children of conservative and center-right elites who sought a better education than the state could offer in a culturally conservative setting. In the early s, the collapse of the Soviet Union provided an opportunity to export this model to the predominantly Turkic-speaking states that had just gained their independence.
Azerbaijan was the first among them, followed by Kazakhstan, where the movement rapidly built 29 schools. Today, the Hizmet movement runs an astounding 1, schools in countries.
In fact, for many of them, the former nourishes the latter. The Hizmet movement stands out compared to most religious communities in Turkey for other reasons too. Generally, they take a pro-Western worldview. Tunahan received his own religious education in the Naqshbandi-Khalidi order.
In a number of places where there were too few officially sanctioned imams, the movement dispatched its own to keep mosques functioning. After Quranic courses were permitted in , students from the movement spread across Turkey.
Today, the movement stands as one of the most broadly organized in Turkey and Europe—in Germany alone, the movement controls several hundred mosques and Quranic schools. This led to a split in the movement, but not to its withdrawal from politics: the brothers simply supported different parties.
He was elected to parliament in on the Welfare Party ticket, but quit the party following the coup. It began to spread rapidly after the military coup, partly because of its reputation as a religious order supportive of the state. As a result, it spread across western Turkey as one of the fastest-growing religious orders in the country. Like many religious communities, it tended to support center-right parties until the creation of the AKP.
In fact, many former right-wing activists whose death sentences were commuted after the coup joined the Menzil order. Turkish political Islam has evolved based on the interrelationship of these religious orders.
While their total membership is unknown, they number in the millions; and since members tend to take guidance from their leaders and vote as reliable blocs, they have often played a decisive role in Turkish politics. These parties were secular and pro-Western in orientation, but respectful of religion and eager to court pious voters.
Born into a religious family in Sinop in , Erbakan went on to earn a Ph. This played a role in the break between the Islamists and the Justice Party following a failed attempt by Islamists to take over the party in Simultaneously, the nationalists formed their own party, the MHP. Erbakan ran as an independent candidate in the elections and won a seat in parliament. Please choose www.
Your GarlandScience. The student resources previously accessed via GarlandScience. Resources to the following titles can be found at www.
tf.nn.threadsol.com/roxib-application-to.php Sufism is often understood to be the mystical dimension of Islam, and many works have focused on the nature of "mystical experiences" and the relationship between man and God. Yet Sufism was a human response to a wide range of contexts and circumstances; the fact that Sufis lived in society and Purification of the soul is a principle that is central to understanding Islamic spirituality but despite this, relatively little has been written explicitly in the Islamic tradition regarding this discrete method of spiritual purification.
This book examines the work of a scholar of this In recent years, many historians of Islamic mysticism have been grappling in sophisticated ways with the difficulties of essentialism. Reconceptualising the study of Islamic mysticism during an under-researched period of its history, this book examines the relationship between Sufism and society in In recent years Sufism has undergone something of a revival as a spiritual alternative to other manifestations of Islam. This book investigates the development of Sufism in Western societies, with a regional focus on North America and Europe.
Exploring a number of issues relating to the dynamic Qazi Bahlol Badakhshani taught him jurisprudence , prophet Muhammad's biography and history. His deputies traversed the length and breadth of the Mughal Empire in order to popularize the order and eventually won some favour with the Mughal court. Ahmad Sirhindi's teaching emphasized the inter-dependence of both the Sufi path and sharia , stating that "what is outside the path shown by the prophet is forbidden.
Sirhindi emphasizes Sufi initiation and practices as a necessary part of shariah, and criticizes jurists who follow only the outward aspects of the sharia. In his criticism of the superficial jurists, he states: "For a worm hidden under a rock, the sky is the bottom of the rock. According to Simon Digby, "modern hagiographical literature emphasizes Sirhindi's reiterated profession of strict Islamic orthodoxy, his exaltation of the shariah and exhortations towards its observance.
It seems that since they are due to error in kashf , he has been forgiven I consider him as one of those with whom God is well-pleased; on the other hand, I believe that all his ideas in which he opposes the people of truth are wrong and harmful. Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi had originally declared the reality of the Quran haqiqat-i quran and the reality of the Ka'ba haqiqat-i ka'ba-yi rabbani to be above the reality of Muhammad haqiqat-i Muhammadi. This caused fury of opposition, particularly among certain Sufis and ulama of Hijaz who objected to the Ka'ba having exalted spiritual "rank" than the Prophet.
The real Ka'ba is worthy of prostration since it is not created and is covered with the veil of nonexistence. It is this Ka'ba in the essence of God that Sirhindi was referring to as the reality of the Ka'ba, not the appearance of the Ka'ba surat-i ka'ba , which is only a stone. The rationale for this development may have been to neutralize unnecessary discord with the large Muslim community whose emotional attachment to Muhammad was greater than any understanding of philosophical fine points.
Naqshbandi Sufis claim that Ahmad Sirhindi is descended from a long line of "spiritual masters" all the way up to prophet Muhammad. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses. Home FAQ Contact. Ahmad Sirhindi Wikipedia open wikipedia design.